Morocco Land
Present-day Moroccans typically respond in this manner when asked about their nationality. In political speeches and media reporting, the term “Moroccan nation” is frequently used. Moroccans frequently refer to themselves as a nation by mentioning their shared historical destinies and state ties. There is still work to be done in terms of advancing commonality in language, economy, and culture. The concept of “Morocco Land” has become increasingly popular, especially among residents of industrial hubs where capitalism has recently settled and has thus been able to remelt into a fairly uniform mass, subject to bourgeois production relations, which is the basis on which the nation emerges, elements of various tribes and diverse in their cultural traditions, customs, mental structure, and language.
The Odyssey is us. When asked “who are you” in a community, you can be answered that you are a Hammu, or one of his “children,” who created the hamlet. You’ll hear from some old man that Hammu is one of the numerous nearby villages that make up the “children” of Abdenbi, and that these “children” of Abdenbi make up a bigger group known as a “Kabila,” or tribe. In place of the word “ulyad,” the words “beni” and “ait,” which have the same meaning as “ulyad,” designate a single tribe or a group of related tribes when used in conjunction with a specific name.
geographical region
Often, a location or locale will be given the name of a tribe. Beni-Mellal is the name of one of the provinces, the Beni-Snassen Mountains are in the north of Morocco, and there are numerous smaller towns and villages all across the country with names like Ait Ammar, Ait-Urir, Ait-Souala, and so on. It should be noted that sizable tribal groups may not always be given names after “ancestors,” but rather may be given names like “sons of the shadow” or “ait-umalu.” The geographic names derived from inter-tribal confederations or the consequent physical places do not contain the prefixes “ulyad,” “beni,” or “ait.”
Although they don’t always exactly reflect the circumstance, all of these tribal names are nevertheless frequently employed today as a tribute to the past. Over the course of centuries, unplanned migrations, sultan-ordered relocations, and the transformation of many rural residents into city dwellers have strengthened tribal bonds. What most differentiates the rural regions of the Moroccan plains is the absence of the traditional community system. The stratification of settlements was a result of commerce development and claims to private ownership of livestock and Morocco Land. At one extreme, a wealthy upper class of tribal lords who appropriated public property existed.
Egyptian farmers
The Morocco Land-less and Land of Morocco Land-poor poverty were at the other end of the spectrum from the semi-poor shepherds. Relationships between people become more centered on class. The inconsistent policies of the colonial administration during the protectorate era helped to some extent to foster this development. The colonists made an effort to establish the tribal community’s territorial limits and even to safeguard the last of the community’s assets. The rights of Moroccan peasants on Moroccan territory were not being defended.
It was necessary to relax the ban on Moroccan private property in order for French colonists to conquer the Land of Morocco. After the colonists had left, the “rights” of the affluent landowners and Moroccan clan nobles became clear. The colonial administration actively encouraged the sheiks, ways, and pashas to seize the communal lands rather than merely dispatching punitive expeditions into the countryside to “pacify” the freedom-loving Moroccans who would not submit to the “civilizers.” This was in addition to the fact that it took it upon itself to protect this stratum from the disobedient communists.
Moroccan native
Tribal structures were profoundly impacted by the forcible “ordering” of tribal life, the introduction of “European,” or capitalist, methods of Morocco Land management, and the growth of industrial cities that engulfed a sizeable portion of the rural population in their bottomless stone wells. These incidents accelerated the demise of the tribal structure. However, not entirely. The peasants of the Morocco Land continued to practice traditional farming techniques alongside the capitalist fields of the colonizers, which made this even more apparent. The settlers’ ideas had no impact on their way of life.
And the latter did little to eliminate any remaining members of the tribe. Instead, they were relieved to find that outmoded development approaches hindered Morocco from becoming unified and from developing a national consciousness since it is much simpler to deal with a people who have not yet fully progressed beyond the stage of tribal disintegration. The Moroccan government tries to oversee national life and promote a sense of national identification among all Moroccans, yet tribal traditions still exist.
The majority of the present “tribe “‘s” members are not related to the tribe’s genealogical tree, aside from the core family group that gave the tribe its name. Despite its uniqueness and social stratification, the tribe is nonetheless a somewhat cohesive collection of people that follow a few customs. There is now just one large family living in the Moroccan settlement (duar), which once had hundreds of members. The “brothers” and “sisters” have no secrets; everyone is aware of everything regarding the others. Everyone also recognizes one another by name. M’hammed ben-Ahmed, M’hammed ben-Abdallah, and so on, all use their father’s name to identify themselves. If the father is unknown, Muhammad-ul-Aisha is the mother. Once someone moves away from their hometown, they understand the value of a surname.
Since nobody in the duar of Ulead Hassan knows who his parents are, Mhammed, the son of Ahmed or Aisha, would be referred to as M’hammed el-Hassouni there. In the future, the tribal “surname” may be changed to the tribal surname, and when this person relocates from his original location to Casablanca or Rabat, he will either preserve his tribal “surname” or change it to the name of the confederation to which his tribe belongs. As noted before, to serve as a reminder of his membership in the Sragna tribal association, M’hamed can acquire an identity card containing the last name “Sergini.” People who live in cities frequently use such surnames, as well as “patronymics” like Benham or Benaissa and even city names like Fassi for people who live in Fez.
The tribal structure has not deteriorated as much in Morocco’s semi-desert region and highlands, where rural life is inextricably related to nomadic cattle-breeding, which is impractical without the establishment of communal rules. Even though private property (on livestock) is also established here and people are used to such social inequalities, the way of life aids in the preservation of a number of age-old customs. Nobody can live in the huge desert on their own, according to the central concept of nomadism. Because without it, there can be no social life, and without social life in the desert, there can be no individual life, the spirit of solidarity, an unsaid norm of nomadic society, is engraved in a nomad’s innate generosity. A lonely man is a man who is no longer here. He is unable to take charge of his flock, provide it with water, or keep it safe on his own. The survival of the entire family, clan, and tribe depends on the desert man ethic.
Those Berbers
Arabs, Berbers, and Arabized Berbers make up the majority of the population in Morocco. French sources claim that the majority of Moroccans are Berbers despite the language being widely spoken throughout the nation. Similar beliefs are shared by the Berbers. Only because many of them speak Arabic do they not still speak their own tongue. In Morocco, the Berber and Arab have long coexisted and are inseparable brothers, according to Mahjoubi Akhardan, a prominent political figure and leader of the Berber party “People’s Movement.” He believes that the desire to teach Berber does not intend to pit the Berber against the Arab.
Researchers have discovered that the Berbers of Morocco formerly had their own alphabet, which confirms that the Berbers no longer have their own language. The old writing system known as “Tifinagh,” which is still used by Berbers with Tuareg descent in some regions of Algeria and Niger.
The Berber tongue
The oldest Berber language in North Africa, in accordance with Ahardan, is still used by its native speakers and is maintained through daily interactions, oral literature such as Berber tales, legends, proverbs and sayings, poems, and songs, as well as Arabic-scripted written documents. In order to protect the rich cultural history of the Berber people, this precise and dynamic language must be preserved. By the way, between 50 and 60 percent of Moroccans are native speakers of Berber!
It is true that Berbers can be found in large towns that are bordered by Arab populations as well as along the Atlantic coast, where the Arab population has historically resided mostly. Women stroll around wearing bright attire and with their faces exposed. Typical traits of young children include red hair and blue eyes. In addition, the accommodation is frequently a sizable tent that may accommodate fifty, one hundred, or more people. Because of their particular pattern, Berber carpets are easily distinguished from those made by Arab masters in Rabat and Fez. Berber folk dances have distinctive features.
Berbers on their own
When speaking French or English, Berbers only use the term “Berber.” For example, the Rif Berbers favor the moniker “Imazighen” (which means “free people” in Arabic). The Sanhaja tribes, which are Berbers, live in the Middle Atlas Mountains, the Eastern Slopes of the High Atlas, and the Puedes Valleys, which are buried in the Saharan dunes. They also call themselves Amazigh and, like the Imazighs of the Rif, refer to their language as “Tamazight,” despite major distinctions.
The Schlecht are the locals of the High Atlas, Anti-Atlas, and Sus River Valley. They are the Mahmud’s descendants and the first Berbers to set foot in Morocco. Tashelhit is the Schlecht language. Despite the fact that each of these major groups has a different regional accent, all residents of Rif can speak with one another. Although there is a significant language barrier between the Schlecht and Brabbers from the Imazighs of the Rif, they are able to communicate. Arabs and Berbers who do not speak Arabic encounter a similar barrier. Arabic is also a dialectal language in Morocco, with various regional dialects.
Moroccan Arab language.
The vast majority of people, who are illiterate, do not yet have access to legal or literary Arabic, the language of the Koran, good literature, good science, commercial correspondence, or the press. There aren’t many literate people who are aware of it. Communication still takes place using the so-called vernacular language, which includes French words and expressions as well as Berber ones. It is possible to claim that tribal mixing and Arabization of Berbers have progressed to the point where it is frequently difficult to tell the difference between an Arabized Berber and a Berber who has absorbed Arab blood or even a “purebred” Arab in some places, especially rural ones.
Additionally, there are a lot of mixed marriages between Arabs and Berbers in Morocco. Even though the dark-skinned Moroccans of Tropical Africa do not currently make up a distinct ethnic group, it is entirely possible that some Berber groups, especially those of the High Morocco Land, will retain their identity and forge nationalities concurrently with the further development of the forming Arabized Moroccan nation. The Moriscos and Andalusians, the slaves from Western Sudan who had worked as “blackguards” for the Moroccan sultans, as well as other Spanish Muslim descendants, were all assimilated into this country.
Jews in the area
Jews from Morocco had antecedents who predate the majority of Berber people. The first Carthaginian Jewish communities, which grew over the following three centuries, were located here in the third century BC. Many contemporary “Jewish” families have Berber heritage as a result of the early immigrants’ extensive mixing with the Berber Gentiles and their subjection to Judaization. In the far south of Morocco, there are still many Jewish mullahs to be found. They share numerous rites, a common language, farming practices, and even certain “saints,” making these mullahs a living illustration of the symbiosis between Jewish settlements and the surrounding Berber environment.
A connection exists between the second wave of Jewish immigration and the persecution of Jews in medieval Europe. Italy, Holland, France, England, and Portugal were among the countries that emigrated in great numbers to the Arab Maghreb in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Their path from Andalusia, which was ruled by the Catholic kings, required them to travel through Tangier, Fey, and eventually New Salé. The Reconquista affected them as it did their Muslim coworkers. This was the most significant occasion (Rabat). The brand-new Jewish settlers at initially spoke Spanish. Their descendants made Arabic their first language. In contrast to Europe, where influential people fostered anti-Semitism, Jews were treated as “guests” under the protection of the sultans in Morocco.
The Morocco Land had been absorbed to a great extent by the end of the eighteenth century. While the Jewish bourgeoisie shared many characteristics with their Muslim counterparts, the Jewish poor were now no different in lifestyle from the Arab or Berber poor. Antisemitism is still rare among Moroccans nowadays. The Moroccan administration is not either. Even during the challenging time of Vichy’s control in Morocco, Mohammed V adamantly refused to implement the so-called Nuremberg anti-Jewish legislation that Resident General Notes, Putin’s proxy, had pushed upon him.
Islamic conquest
The colonists utilized a “patronage” system to win over the upper classes of the Jewish community, who, like some Arab bourgeois families, chose national solidarity to class solidarity – with foreign corporations – even in the early phases of the invasion of Morocco. The Jewish bourgeoisie became an official member of the colonial governing class once the French protectorate was established.
The World Alliance of Israelites, a group of schools and cultural institutions financed by the Rothschild family, successfully persuaded Jewish children to identify Morocco as their mother Morocco Land. The ideal candidates for Zionist propaganda were those who claimed that Palestine was truly their real nation of origin despite having spent years being told that they were not Moroccan. 250,000 Jews lived in Morocco in 194.5; by 1970, there were just 40,000. Immigrants to Israel made up the great bulk of the country’s population. As a result, Morocco’s Jewish community was notoriously deproletarianized.
French Morocco Land
Fathers, grandfathers, and even great-grandfathers of a large number of Frenchmen in Morocco are descended from immigrants who came to the country during the Protectorate or even earlier. It is common to refer to them as “Morocco Land French.” Although they were well-established in Moroccan business districts, rural estates, educational institutions, and administrative buildings, the vast majority preferred to maintain their ties to France over becoming Moroccan citizens.
Moroccan geography
Under the colonial system, the French felt like they were in control of the Morocco Land for more than 50 years until finding themselves abruptly on the outside looking in. Their fate is decided by the ongoing Moroccanization of the country’s economic and social life. Many French people live in continual fear of having to pack up and leave the comfort of their homes. On the eve of Morocco’s independence, there were 400–450 thousand French there; by 1970, that number had dropped to just 90,000. Although the condition of the French colony has recently greatly improved, the downward trend seems to be continuing. This holds true for the 45,000-person Spanish colony as well as numerous other immigrant communities.
Morocco now only has 170,000 foreign residents. They account up slightly more than 1% of the nation’s total population, which exceeds 15 million people.
Moroccan traditionalist
Muslims are obligated to follow the Koran, Islam’s holy book, and the Sunna as it is stated in the Hadith, which means to resemble the Prophet and his companions in their behavior. All Muslims, or almost all Muslims, practice the indigenous population. The few Moroccan Christians and atheists are the exceptions, as are the minority of Jews who observe Orthodox Judaism.
While the administration of Sharia in Morocco follows the methodology of the Muslim jurist Malek ibn Anas, who lived in the seventh century, the devout Moroccan always turns to the Koran and the Sunna for guidance. Sharia continues to serve as the legal basis for some judicial rulings. Moroccans are considered to be malekite Sunni Muslims.
But it seems that we cannot confine ourselves to this all-encompassing notion. To start, Moroccan “orthodoxy” does not rule out the existence of multiple religious fraternities founded by “holy” sheriffs and marabouts, each of whom felt it was his responsibility to “deepen” orthodox Islam with various mystical teachings, ceremonies, and laws. They thus contributed to the ongoing spread of sectarianism. There are still pre-Islamic faiths in existence today.
There was formerly a Poseidon temple on Cape Beddusa, which is located around 200 kilometers south of Casablanca and today houses the lighthouse. The God of the Sea was also known as the horse tamer. In search of the mysterious stallions that live in the depths, in Poseidon’s domains, certain Berber tribes still pull barren mares into the ocean’s waves during full moon nights. Islam has always been practiced by these tribes. People waiting on the sands of the shore turn to him in prayer. The moon illuminates the tops of waves and the gleaming torsos of horses in the sea foam that is as white as snow throughout the night. In a country where Islam is practiced, such a spectacle is unthinkable. However.
Moroccan Muslim nation
Despite this, many Muslims in the Morocco Land, particularly Berbers, venerate pantheistic artifacts, consider witches and sorcerers to be powerful beings, are afraid of the “evil eye,” and employ a variety of mystical treatments for illness and other issues. They are aware of the widely accepted idea of fatalism. A basic illiterate Fellah and an educated individual have quite different viewpoints on Islam and attitudes toward its principles, in addition to all of the above.
The Muslim faith still plays a significant role in daily life in many areas of Morocco, especially among the peasants who sincerely believe that “there is no god but Allah” and respect the Prophet Mohammed and all other types of “saints,” answer the call of the muezzin and, if nothing prevents, spread their prayer mats at the designated hour to praise Allah, begin every task with the cry “bismillah!” and ask for Allah’s help, and who, All significant life milestones, He believes it is his responsibility to go to Friday prayers in the mosque. Major festivals, when sermons are delivered, night vigils are performed, and theological conferences are organized, draw large crowds of worshipers to the mosques. When Morocco organizes a commemoration of the Koran’s 1,400th anniversary, famous theologians from other Muslim countries are occasionally invited, as was the case in late 1968 and early 1969. During the most important rites, the most significant imam and the king act as “lord of the faithful.”
The official religion is Islam. A description of it is also found in the constitution. The state keeps building mosques to uphold the people’s religious spirit. For young people aged 7 to 12, it organizes Koranic schools. It funds both the University of Qaraoui, one of the first Muslim universities, and new theological colleges. The University of Qaraoui enrolls about 1,000 students in its theological faculties in Fez, Marrakesh, Tetouan, and Rabat. Authorities provide assistance to both male and female pilgrims who want to go to Mecca. Because of this, entire steamships are chartered, and special agreements with foreign airlines are set up.
The Ministry of Habous and Islamic Matters is the particular division of the Moroccan government that is in charge of religious issues. The Muslim community owns the habus and uses them as the material foundation for its operations. The Ministry is in charge of mosques, Koranic schools, priceless libraries, antiquated manuscripts, more than 20,000 worshipers (imams, muezzins, etc.), charitable organizations, hospitals, and orphanages, a significant portion of Moroccan agricultural land, hiring laborers and craftsmen to build new and restore old mosques, and publishing its own magazine.
The law, which also contains the penal code, protects religious interests by outlining a number of sanctions for breaking religious law, most notably failing to observe Ramadan practices in public places.
Morocco Land in Ramadan
Ramadan is a major topic in Morocco Land. A Muslim must abstain from food, liquids, and tobacco during one calendar month, from sunrise to sunset. This works well during the winter. Some Muslims simply close their windows at night to conserve energy for the evening vigil, when everything is permissible. Naturally, only a small number of people are allowed to do this because neither businesses nor institutions close during Ramadan, nor is fieldwork able to be delayed. The shortness of the days and the moderate heat are comforting.
The Muslim year, which consists of lunar months, is shorter than average, hence Ramadan could happen in the summer. What kind of work is it when there’s always a bowl of spicy, steaming meat soup, known as harira, in front of one’s eyes that can’t be touched until the cannon goes off, indicating that the sun has finally dipped below the horizon and the fast is broken until the next morning? The day drags on, one feels dizzy, and what kind of work is it when one can’t even look away from the harira until it’s served? Because everyone is so excited for this moment, the streets immediately empty as the cannon fires. After being insatiably hungry all day, one begins to eat regularly at night. Then, sleep is ignored. Everything restarts the next morning.
Why Moroccans are so excited about the “little feast” (Haid el-Seger) signaling the end of Ramadan is easy to comprehend. There will typically be family in attendance.
The extensive journey to Mecca appears to be made possible by the fast’s purported “purification.” This time span includes the “great feast” (Aid el-Kebir), which comes 70 days after the “little feast.”
People don’t even exist.
Because the king slits the throat of a sacrificed lamb in front of a crowd of believers, simulating the biblical patriarch Abraham (Ibrahim), who, along with Adam’s forefather Moses (Musa), Jesus Christ (Aissa), and other figures from the Old and New Testaments, is regarded by Islam as Muhammad, the chief and last of the prophets, it is simply known as “the Feast of the Ram.”
After a solemn prayer and the slaughter of the live lambs that had been pre-purchased, the feasting begins. Almsgiving is a religious responsibility for every Muslim, even though not everyone has the means to do so and the needy must make do with tripe alms.
Morocco Land also celebrates a number of other Muslim festivals, but the mousses at the “holy” graves—where tens of thousands of pilgrims gather every year, each at a different time of year—are particularly well-known. As opposed to the Islamic calendar, the Gregorian calendar is used to determine the dates of the mousses. Before becoming a massive public event, the museum begins with religious rites.
Tens of thousands of spectators go to the fair’s famed “fantasia,” which is one of its main attractions.
Fantasia features riders despite not being a conventional horse race. A room that can be the size of a soccer field is where the performance is held. A line of horsemen is positioned around one edge of the stage and is armed with either vintage flintlock pistols or quite modern Berber carbines. They are told to mount and begin galloping, to race to the tribune at the other end of the platform with the guests of honor, to stop abruptly at full speed a few meters away, and to fire all their guns into the air.
More respect will be accorded to the riders and volley as a whole from their fellow tribesmen who have put their faith in them to defend the honor of their clan or hamlet in this strange combat. Clouds of dust and gunpowder smoke rise over the rallying area as the loser who has fallen off his horse sits down once more to wipe away his embarrassment, the competent rider makes numerous appearances to display his prowess, and the rider returns to demonstrate his competence.
A few local events to celebrate include a wealthy Muslim’s child being born, a local fair, travelers coming back from Mecca, and a large number of weddings occurring simultaneously.
The Moroccan Journey
Morocco Land, March 3 is a public holiday. This day in 1961 saw the coronation of King Hassan II. Labor Day is recognized as a national holiday on May 1. Mid-May is when Armed Forces Day takes place, replete with the typical military parade. Youth holidays are celebrated on July 9. The late Mohammed V went into exile on August 20, the anniversary of the “Revolution of the King and the People,” which sparked a successful insurrection against colonial rule across the country. Mohammed V’s visit to Morocco in 1955 is commemorated every year from November 16 to 18, as part of the “three wonderful days” marking the country’s independence.
Holidays are enjoyed by Moroccans, who also warmly welcome visitors. An outmoded custom stipulates that milk and dates must be given to a specific guest of honor. In Morocco, this Saharan nomads’ traditional cuisine was transformed into salty country bread.
In affluent houses, it is tradition to wash hands before the meal. A waiter makes his way around the low tables, where customers are seated on carpets, sofas, and poufs. The waiter is carrying a metal kettle, a towel, and a special cup for draining water. Each person raises their right sleeve and starts to eat.
Arabic cuisine
Of course, eating must be done with your hands. You don’t, however, have to recoil violently. Even in Europe, it’s normal practice to take the game in your hands. It is more beneficial. After all, how you eat has an impact on the flavor of the meal. Eating Chinese and Vietnamese food is considerably more enjoyable with chopsticks. Moroccan food does not require the use of chopsticks or forks. Since they are simpler, more practical, and “tastier,” as Moroccans and other visitors who respect their customs do, the majority of them can be eaten with your hands better. This strategy is regularly used among members of the royal family and at lavish royal feasts.
They regularly provide “meshui,” which is lamb that has been roasted on a spit or baked whole in a clay oven. Take a piece of flexible pink meat or reddish crispy crust with your right hand, rip it out, and dip it in ground cumin before putting it in your mouth. Although it would be wonderful, red dry wine and lamb are often only served to guests. To survive at home, as is customary, orange juice or mineral water must be utilized.
Bastilla
Mashui is changed to “Bastilla,” a sweet puff pastry flat pie with a filling of chicken (or pigeon, or fish), flavored with almonds, raisins, and other dried fruits underneath the top crust. Because the salty, spicy, and sweet flavors are curiously mixed, it doesn’t take a special habit to appreciate this dish’s extraordinary beauty.
Tagine
As soon as you think you’ve had enough food, a fresh dish called “tagine” is presented. Of course, the stew contains herbs, olives, almonds, prunes, lamb, chicken, or pigeons. The chicken in a lemon-yellow sauce with olives, saffron, and cinnamon looks delectable. The food’s name, “tagine,” derives from the clay jar with a cone-shaped top used to prepare its different versions. Every chef has a different combination of flavors and scents.
You shouldn’t leave the table until you’ve tried the “couscous” because Tajine is not the meal’s final course. On a substantial ceramic platter, cooked, coarsely ground wheat is prepared for this dish. The mound is filled with a hot broth and contains either beef or chicken that has been simmered with a variety of veggies. Moroccans graciously help a visitor by rolling grains of couscous between their palms as they eat. They will provide one, though, if he or she requests it.
Couscous
After the couscous, fruit is served, which may include oranges, bananas, grapes, or peaches depending on the season. The culmination of the entire affair is the customary Moroccan tea. Anytime they wish, Moroccans enjoy a cup of mint-infused green tea. A glass of this energetic beverage after a heavy meal is especially beneficial because it helps with breathing.
Women in Morocco
Moroccan women generally refrain from traditional spreading, even when foreign visitors bring their wives. This is a tribute to a long-standing custom that is still followed today.
Moroccan law acknowledges gender equality in accordance with how it is currently understood to be both the letter and the spirit of Islamic teachings. In theory, women and men alike enjoy equal access to all federal jobs and offices. They can also cast ballots. Many women work as secretaries and typists in workplaces in both the public and private sectors. Women dominate the workforce, particularly in the textile sector but also in the service sector. Professors, physicians, and engineers are all women. They are few, it is true. While working as a lab assistant, nurse, department store salesman, babysitter, or cleaner, she frequently supports her entire family despite her husband’s conservative political views.
Women had the option to stipulate in the marriage contract that their spouse would not remarry and they also had the right to divorce. Polygamy is on the decline in Morocco, despite the fact that it is still legal. A man over the age of 18 may wed up to four girls or women over the age of 15, but he must ensure that each of his spouses is treated equally; otherwise, polygamy is prohibited. In addition to the financial challenges brought on by the requirement to support a large household, polygamy is rejected. Many young men decide against getting married because they are unable to afford the dowry, which is the man’s obligation, and the wedding.
Cities in Morocco
It is no longer unusual to see Moroccan ladies dressed in European style on Moroccan city streets. Young women also participate in athletic competitions, vote for Miss Morocco Land, ride bicycles and scooters, execute twists and shakes, enroll in lyceums and universities, and even travel abroad without fear of being judged by elderly men.
The majority of these independence-expressing behaviors, meanwhile, are either external or only affect a small subset of metropolitan bourgeois women.
Although she is bright and financially independent, a young divorced lady who returns to her previous family in reality looks something like this: she is inescapably under the jealous watch of her brothers, who closely monitor her every move. It is expected of a young girl working for an institution to get home from work on time and at the scheduled hour, or else “the neighborhood will no longer respect her.”
Many underprivileged girls are destined for arduous labour as housemaids or carpet weavers from the age of six to eight. In urban regions, only 57% of girls and 8% of girls in rural areas attend school. Even well-educated dads seldom counsel their daughters to “study philosophy if you like, but never lose sight of the fact that you are first and foremost Moroccan, Muslim, and a woman.” In the modern Moroccan society, this means that women’s primary responsibilities are to care for their husbands, have and raise children, and perform the onerous domestic tasks, from which only a small number of women from wealthy houses are spared.
The wedding, which must last seven days according to the law, is where it all starts. Typically, the bride is dressed in expensive attire, often borrowed from a wealthy woman who also serves as the costumier. The bride is decorated with ceremonial patterns on her face. For an entire quarter hour each day, the women are welcomed at the bride’s home. It will take seven days before the husband may see his wife. He might not know her before they get married, however that doesn’t happen very often nowadays in the community. During the wedding, loud cheers can be heard. Since some town residents are able to obtain a microphone and speaker for the occasion, the entire block is compelled to remain awake and join in the wedding festivities. However, it is insufficient. The revelers pack themselves into vehicles adorned with colorful ribbons and drive around town repeatedly blasting their horns.
The country’s numerous regions each have their own unique wedding traditions. Every September, a unique wedding market is held in Imilchil, the High Atlas region’s center for the huge Ait Hadidou tribe of Berbers. Each year, one of the most incredible folk gatherings takes place next to the two lakes, Isli and Tilsit, which are about 2,500 meters above sea level. The Ait Hadidu tribe’s chief determines the ceremony’s timing, taking into consideration both the moon’s phases and the progress of the harvest season.
He shares his decision with the nearby tribes. Soon later, several more people ride camels carrying cattle and other cargo to the location. People are building up tents and bonfires at this height while wearing heavy gear because it is so frigid. The local mountain climbers are having a great time. Three days are allocated for finishing all business, selling the goods brought back, restocking on supplies, and, most significantly, marrying the young. Boys and girls must get together in three days, reach a consensus, and start families from mountain villages hundreds, if not thousands, of kilometers apart. It’s challenging to choose a bride because the girls are all beautifully attired for this particular event.
Only the potential partner’s eyes, hands, and voice are available to them. The man is required to make the decision. Having made his decision, he instantly stands up or squats down on the ground and holds her hand while conversing with his wife. If both parties consent, the marriage is legally registered in front of witnesses, who are often the parents of the bride and groom, in the tent of the public clerk. The girl presents her face following receipt of the marriage contract. The young couple lines up and begins to rock back and forth and do half squats to the beat of the drums. A somewhat monotonous melody is produced by the female voices. In the Berber tradition, a wedding must involve a wedding dance.
What does place after the wedding? In addition to having multiple children after marriage, women in rural communities also work heavy physical labor.
Every 1,000 people in the country give birth to 50 children. The majority of people in Morocco Land live in substandard conditions, which, together with filthy living conditions, chronic hunger, and a lack of adequate medical care, is a factor in the high death rates among Moroccans. A hospital bed is available for every 650 patients, and there is a doctor for every 12,000 patients. These figures are also “averages.” In rural regions, witch doctors and other “healers” continue to “treat” the sick instead of physicians. Public hospitals are unable to treat everyone who need care, and not everyone in the city has the financial wherewithal to consult a private doctor. However, we cannot say that over the years of independence, the population’s access to medical care has been constant. Today, especially in rural areas, there are more state-run healthcare facilities.
Moroccans have begun to graduate from the medical program at Rabat University, albeit they still account for barely more than 10% of the country’s doctors. Most of the remaining physicians are from France, Spain, and Italy. Attempts to contain large-scale outbreaks had varied degrees of success. Meningitis epidemics still exist in some regions despite the eradication of the plague, smallpox, cholera, and typhus. Government efforts in the healthcare industry have already resulted in a significant drop in mortality, despite many restrictions. From 35 per 1,000 in 1940 to 17 today, and 11 per 1,000 in urban areas, the death rate for Moroccans has declined.
In 1960, there were little over 11 million Moroccans, according to the first national census; by 1970, there were 16 million. At the moment, a natural population rise of 3.5 percent is anticipated, which ranks among the highest in the world. This suggests that each year, the country receives 500,000 new citizens, all of whom need at least a basic education and, more importantly, a job when they are adults.
Due to its inability to resolve these issues, the Moroccan government has implemented a birth control strategy. The general public, on the other hand, has little enthusiasm for this tactic and views “family planning” as an attempt to avoid addressing underlying socioeconomic problems.
Young people and children make up about 65 percent of the population. One-third to half of children complete elementary school by the time they are seven years old. For teachers and schools, the state does not have adequate funding. Less than half of the overcrowded, little more than one million primary schools’ student population is between the ages of seven and twelve.
In Morocco Land first five-year development plan, which covered the years 1960 to 1964, the goal of universal basic education was set for 1969. The three-year plan was built on the need to increase the number of elementary schools in the system (1965–1967). These two strategies both fell short. Such a goal was absent from the Second Five Year Plan (1968-1972).
Although secondary schools, unlike primary schools, had started to accept students who wanted to continue their education in recent years, competitive exams ruthlessly eliminated 90% of applicants, regardless of their social standing: excellent grades might not matter if you are the son or daughter of a farmhand or day laborer. Of the 270,000 students enrolled in a modern secondary school who are of the required age, just 7% complete the final exams.
Less than 1% of those who were fortunate enough to learn to read and write now have access to higher education. Over 12,000 students are enrolled at the nation’s colleges and universities, including Rabat University, founded in 1957. Given the country’s chronic national staffing shortfall, the figure is clearly insufficient. The demand for philologists and attorneys, who make about half of university students, is allegedly lower than the need for engineers, agronomists, doctors, teachers, and other professions, yet many graduates of universities are having difficulty finding employment.
In addition to addressing the issue of a “surplus” labor force, the country requires workers. The number of recent college graduates at risk exceeds a few hundred. There are hundreds of thousands or millions of participants. In Moroccan cities, the unemployed make up a sizable portion of the self-employed population. The approximate figure, according to progressive researchers, is 765,000, which is a close estimate. Approximately 150,000 Moroccans currently reside and work in France, Belgium, Holland, and West Germany, with an additional 10,000 employees “exported” from Morocco each year.
Rural areas, where underemployment is the largest issue, are home to 70% of the nation’s population. Less than 25% of Moroccan workers, according to scientists, are involved in agriculture. The peasant does work for a living; he tends to his cattle, collects wild fruits, and makes baskets. The majority of animals reside in agricultural areas in Morocco, where there aren’t many wholly pastoral regions. Young people and the elderly often take care of the cattle in these locations.
Of the 5.5 million hectares of farmed land, the so-called modern agriculture business takes up 1.5 million hectares. Former French colonists possess 200 000 hectares of this Morocco Land. The 250 000 hectares that were removed from colonies and transferred to the state are formally its property. It aims to establish farming cooperatives on portions of this property (as an experiment). A million hectares of Morocco Land are under the authority of a few wealthy Moroccan farmers who are slowly displacing French nationalists and Moroccans in need.
Farms in the “modern sector” employ people in agriculture. In this instance, capitalism is the production style. The “traditional sector” in Morocco receives the majority of the country’s agricultural land, which is characterized by pre-capitalist production relations. Land is farmed using outdated methods, with only 15% of the yield being marketable. The sector’s total 14 million hectares are only used for farming and planting on 4 million of those acres; the remaining 2 million are fallows and permanent pasture. This includes the territory occupied by tribes, villages, ex-military personnel, organizations associated with religion, and some states. 3.5 million hectares are under private ownership in total.
The “traditional sector” is dominated by the wealthiest pastoralists, owners of herds of several thousand sheep, and the Morocco Land, whose holdings occasionally reach 25 thousand hectares. However, these pastoralists are few in number. A sizable portion of the population consists of notables and wealthy landowners. There are several thousand of them, each with a net annual income of 8,700 dirhams, an average land size of 50 to 75 hectares, five packs of mules, 40 cattle, and 150 sheep (by comparison it should be noted that the national income per capita in Morocco is estimated at 900 dirhams). These were primarily former caidas, sheiks, and pashas who worked obediently for the colonizers and helped them take control of more than 40% of Morocco arable land.
A “middleman” makes between 1500 and 3000 dirhams per year (eight to fifteen hectares, one or two teams of mules or oxen, a few cows, and a dozen or two or three sheep). But more than half of all farms are located on holdings of just one to four hectares. For the vast majority of them, even a subsistence level estimated at 1,200 dirhams per year for a family of four—equivalent to the pay of a farm laborer on a contemporary farm—is practically out of reach.
Every week, generally on the day of the market, a peasant woman prepares a genuine tajine, or one with meat. The family frequently eats vegetable stew with handmade bread or flatbread for the next two or three days. The farmer only eats bread and very sweet mint tea the last three or four days of the week. 60% of a peasant family’s income is spent on sugar. It should not be a surprise since it is a staple food along with bread. Yes, milk is present. However, during the plowing season, the peasant is deprived of it since this type of fieldwork takes place in the fall, beginning with the first rains, and is preceded by the end of summer, when the rivers and the ground undergo “the greatest drying up.” There won’t be any grass in the meadows and no milk in the peasant house.
the location of the rural poor. This term may not necessarily refer to the filthy home a peasant family occupies. A typical Moroccan village is made up of a collection of basic homes made of clay, stone, and reeds. There are very few streets. The structures are haphazardly stacked. There are no outdoor structures. Only a mosque is an exception.
In a mud or stone cabin, there are two chambers. In the main room, they eat and rest. The kitchen is another. An interior courtyard that is either walled off from the outside world with the same material as the home or with a hedge of prickly plants like shrubs or cacti is where you enter the “dwelling.” It would be possible to keep a horse, donkey, or mule in the courtyard. There is also a pen for goats and lambs. When the weather permits, one can live outside such a house, even if the owner is a wealthy peasant with multiple rooms in his hut. The impoverished man occasionally lives in a nuala, a reed building covered with straw, dried seaweed, or twigs. It resembles a straw pile and is shaped like a cone. In the country, there aren’t many towns or villages without a couple of these huts. They are every part of some villages. There are cave Morocco Land highlands. Many communities, including those of the sedentary Berber tribes and the nomads of the Saharan zones and high plateaus, live in tents.
A poor peasant possesses little but a chest, a table, a mat, and perhaps a carpet. Peasant dwellings do not frequently have stoves. On an earthen hearth known as a kanun, the other people prepare their meals.
More than 500,000 rural families live without Morocco Land. They are the main source of labor for the more “powerful” landlords, together with the lesser landowners who are declaring bankruptcy. Their current circumstance is identical to that of a slave because many of them are derived from slaves. They are known as sharecroppers. Frequently, they work for only one-fifth of the crop. Thus, the French word “hommes” implies “one-fifth.” In reality, that “fifth” is a sixth, seventh, or even a ninth. For many males, their sole sources of money are for food and clothing. Due to his ongoing debt, he is unable to pay his master. His wife looks after the owner’s home while his child tends to the owner’s cattle. It is quite tough to break free from a bond. Contrary to a free peasant with a modest piece of Morocco Land, the Hammes cannot even engage in side professions like going to the olive harvest or working as a reaper.
The smallholder cultivates his crops by hand and tills his Morocco Land with a wooden plow. Unfertilized and inadequately plowed ground results in low yields. Furthermore, it is still plucked using sickles as in the past. Tractors and combine harvesters are only seen on modern capitalist farms owned by capitalist agrarians, French colonists, and a small number of noteworthy individuals.
The latifundium, like the urban bourgeois who possess Morocco Land, prefers to rent and relet it to tenants as opposed to investing in it. The tenant generally lacks the time to invest since they are struggling to make ends meet, much like the peasant with limited Morocco Land. Nobody wants to invest in common land that is vulnerable to regular redistribution in the interior. Morocco Land is no longer available. Droughts and floods, which are quickly turning into a national calamity, hasten the demise of the poorest and middle strata of peasants. The control of the land by the ruling elite in Morocco is becoming more and more solidified. The shortage of skilled labor is deteriorating. Only 3.2% of the village’s underutilized labor force is employed in various building projects designed for “underemployed” individuals. Even though substantial agrarian reform is required, the peasant now only has one option: to seek success in the city.
In addition to being landless and poor, more individuals are relocating to urban areas. Since they may at least pick where to get married, the younger generation is rejecting the advice of their elders. Because everyone in the city is a child and no one cares if you are not a faithful follower of religion, people are fleeing the authority of the kays and marabouts.
The enormous migration of peasants to the city has resulted in this surge, with fugitives from the village accounting for 1.5% of the annual increase in urban population. The population of Morocco Land’s cities has increased by more than a factor of two since its independence. At least seven cities with a population of more than 100,000 people exist. The population of Casablanca, the largest city in Africa, is 1,250 000, compared to 410 000 in Rabat and its twin city Salé, 285 000 in Marrakech, 270 000 in Fey, 225 000 in Meknes, 150 000 in Tangier, 140 000 in Oujda, 120 000 in Kenitra, 120 000 in Safi, and 115 000 in Tetuan. It is predicted that Rabat would have a million residents by 1980, when Casablanca and nearby Mohammedia will have merged. Twenty to thirty percent of the total population will reside along a 150-kilometer coastline stretch that stretches from Casablanca to Kenitra. Here, desperate peasants gather before enlisting in the army of the unemployed.
Women who are unemployed suffer the most. She has no other option except to walk outside. Since the country woman cannot obtain employment in the city and is helpless as a domestic worker and wife, she is easy prey for her pimp. 90% of her pay goes to her pimp, who has the power to kill or disfigure her if she tries to get away.
In a number of Berber communities in the Atlas, there are “dating houses” where women from relatively “good” and wealthy families “work.” They are not regarded as fallen beings and are not obligated to accede to the demands of the visitors. These women are popular in their communities as well. At the festivals, they perform with the top dancers. They weave the complex patterns of the Berber dance to the awe of the professionals, listening only to the commands of the never-ending drums. Nothing in the dancers’ appearance, manner, or movements also gives the impression that they are performing for some old custom rather than out of necessity. Lalla Xaba, who is buried at Rabat’s Muslim cemetery, seems to be one of these women. “Lalla” in Arabic refers to anything honorable or holy. On the tenth day of the Muslim New Year, childless women and single females pay their respects to the grave of this “saint.” The first one requests a child, and the second one requests a husband. Some people assert that it is a legacy of the matriarchy. Everything is possible…
Only prostitution in modern Moroccan cities is unconnected to matriarchy. The unhappy women who are forced to sell themselves are reviled, shunned, and prefer not to talk about them, despite the fact that many men in that society are well aware of the streets with “specialist” hotels. There are 25,000 prostitutes in Casablanca. Syphilis affects 80% of the population. And the authorities have only focused on these particular prostitutes. How many are undercover agents? Most of them are refugees from rural areas.
Official data indicate that 76 percent of the nation’s urban population resides in medinas, 18.5 percent in bidonvilles, and only 5.5 percent in contemporary buildings.
the medina, a relic of medieval times. Bidonville is a notorious byproduct of the capitalist era. Those who become townspeople lived in the medina in antiquity. They are typically recent peasants in Bidonville. Not constantly jobless, either. Even though there is some crowding here and there, the medina is a little bit more open. In the medina, only one in five people lack access to electricity, as opposed to the majority of people in Bidonville who must make do with kerosene lamps and street columns, and one in two do not have access to running water. The same kanun that is used in the village to heat and cook hot food is used in both the medina and Bidonville.
From the outside, however, the medina looks like a single city block. Behind the “wall of shame” is a group of rickety, dilapidated homes called The Loudonville made of cardboard, flattened tin cans, and linen. This region is home to numerous mosques. Applying the same “construction materials” was done. The minaret of such a mosque is a purely symbolic building, which the muezzin cannot ascend because he cannot bear it. The globe is covered in squalor, pollution, and rubbish, and spinning clouds of rodents and insects keep everyone awake. A world of filthy kids, oppressed women, and forlorn men… In Morocco Land vast and not only huge cities, there is a world of pain and agony as well as a belt of poverty. Bidonville vanishes from the face of the earth in one spot and then reappears in another. As long as there are unemployed people and anxiety about the future of those in the workforce, the Bidonvilles will keep expanding.
Despite the fact that each barracks is, in theory, numbered, it is easy to become lost in Loudonville’s repetitive maze. Normally, the “street” is utilized to immediately enter the barracks. There is a tiny door that opens into a chamber that is more like a doghouse. The interior walls are covered in newsprint and adorned with images from old magazines. In addition to a drawer that serves as a table, the “furnishings” also feature mats, blankets, and pillows. An acetylene light, a transistor radio, a mattress on a stand, and a clothes chest might be found in the possession of a relatively affluent family.
In order to send money to their wives and children who still reside in the community, many of the residents of Bidonville who are single males must save every penny of their meager income. Families also live in this area.
The Moroccan shacks are cruel. The five percent of people who control half the country’s income—the nobility, major landowners, bourgeoisie, senior officers, top officials, and those in “free professions”—dwell in land cities with modern structures, broad avenues, and bustling boulevards where cleanliness and order are the norm. But this is just one aspect of urban living. Luxurious residences and villas with all the comforts, pricy hotels, great eating options, luxury shops, yacht clubs, ski areas, thoroughbred racehorses, and quick limos for them and wealthy foreigners are all available. They have everything, and at times it looks like they are the only ones in Morocco taking advantage of the lovely weather.